Across the English-speaking world social work in 儿童保护 has taken an authoritarian turn. Child protection social work will never foster social revolution, but it does not have to be the soul-less practice that it has developed into. 的rationale for child welfare intervention in family life and the appropriate form of such intervention is contested (Fox-Harding, 1997; Grey &Webb,2013年)。我们对未来实践的形式有选择,要做出明智的选择,我们需要研究当前实践的更广泛的政治和经济背景。我们的儿童保护范式并不存在于真空中。它与新自由主义失败的政治意识形态纠结在一起,需要加以纠结!

的attraction of risk science in contemporary child welfare is related to the problem of persistent 贫穷 in capitalist societies – specifically the problem posed by the 孩子们 of 穷人 . Child protection is often explained and understood in terms of 孩子们’s rights to live free of abuse and neglect. 的elephant in this particular room is that most of the 孩子们 who come to the attention of 儿童保护 systems in countries like Aotearoa New Zealand come from impoverished families. A renaissance of interest in child welfare inequality Is reflected in recent social work research which has highlighted an incontrovertible correlation between 贫穷 and child maltreatment (Pelton, 2015; Davidson et. al, 2017). Poverty is enmeshed with place, race, class and gender.


的complexity of state social work needs to be accepted and engaged with – new scientific understandings and tools can’t really simplify everything and make the moral challenges go away. In fact, this approach tends to conceal more than it reveals. Part of the complexity I am talking about is related to the way that social workers are positioned as mediators at the interface between the regulatory state and the semi-autonomous realm assigned to family life in liberal society (Warner, 2015). Dominelli (2004) describes the insight and advocacy that social work is capable of as follows:

社会工作者让客户交流有关他们的生活经历的知识,以便听到他们的声音,他们的故事也可以揭露其生活的官方结构不足。通过支持反话语的创建,社会工作者帮助圈子外的人们从客户的角度理解世界。 (第38页)

最近,社交工作潜在产生的这种批判性声音和公共角色已被严重削弱(Cree,2014年)。在主流的儿童保护实践中,它已经完全沉默了。在这篇博客文章中,我将考虑为什么会这样,可能需要有所不同。尽管国际社会工作组织已承诺追求社会正义(Global Agenda,2014),但儿童保护实践越来越侧重于保护穷人的孩子,而不是解决在日益不平等的社会中助长不安全环境的社会条件( Parton,2014年)。这里发生了什么?

的key to understanding this hypocrisy lies in examining how neoliberal ideas have colonised our view of the social world. Perhaps it is unhelpful to just criticise 新自由主义 without saying a little more about it. It is an aggressive form of 资本主义 that says that large multi-national corporations should be permitted to scour the world for cheap labour, materials and markets to generate profit and growth. Globalisation in this sense has nothing to do with progress or 民主 . In some important ways it is a return to the radical, creative and destructive expansion of 资本主义 in the nineteenth century. 的main difference is that modern neoliberals (new liberals) understand that 资本主义 needs a bit of help to really thrive. Governments have a role in de-regulating markets, de-regulating the environment, allowing free flows of capital and disempowering trade 工会 .

A form of social security contract between the state and its citizens that came to be called the Welfare State grew out of the Depression of the 1930s and World War 2. Social work became an important part of this arrangement. 的rise of a new phase of 资本主义 associated with 新自由主义 has eroded this sense of shared community since the early 1980s. It has also re-shaped social work. Neoliberalism has delivered profit and growth, but it has created glaring inequality for those swept aside in the gale of creative destruction that has been generated. Poverty and inequality reminiscent of the nineteenth century has come back to haunt us.

资本主义就是这样做的:它伤害了无能为力的人(Garrett,2013)。一切都变成有价商品– even our human selves. We are responsible for making ourselves and our 孩子们 market-ready. 的insecurity that goes with this way of organising society has generated a volatile political climate: the rise of right wing populism in Europe and most notably the election of Donald Trump in the United States. Trump’s appeal is an odd mix of liberalism, nationalism and 种族主义 –这全都与美国业务有关,当然– all about Donald.

Gillies, Edwards, and Horsley (2017) build a 功率 ful case for understanding contemporary policy as something of a perfect storm. 的coming together of a 社会投资 policy framework, brain science and corporate interest has generated and justified an unprecedented growth in early intervention programmes targeted at impoverished mothers. 的racist, classed and sexist implications of this approach have gone largely unexamined:

Left aside in the seemingly 常识 and straightforward scenario of early intervention to save young brains is the unequal gendered, classed and raced environment in which 父母 and 孩子们 live out their lives. (pp. 131-2)



In the Aotearoa New Zealand setting, the 孩子们 who come to the attention of the statutory 儿童保护 system are drawn disproportionately from the 棕色无产阶级– 通常是年轻的家庭,毛利人的年轻家庭和/或太平洋家庭,他们经常从事抵制自己的处境–努力过上充实的生活和在贫穷中养父母。这是一种社会历史经济现实,而不是需要矫正的个人做出不明智选择的结果(Hyslop,2017)。儿童保护从业人员看到了公共问题转化为私人麻烦的方式。我们需要将这种见解与我们的实践重新联系起来。与计算父母对子女构成的风险相比,关注鲸鱼需要的成长通常是一种更有成效的方法(Featherstone,Gupta,Morris,& Warner, 2016).


的credibility of the neoliberal project is beginning to unravel, although I fear it will have a long and 危险的 tail. I am hoping to provoke people to think about where child and family social work should stand. Do we want to be part of the solution to 贫穷 and inequality or are we happy to be part of the problem?

图片来源: 花田先生



Cree,V.(2013年)。赋权的新实践,M。Grey& Webb, S.A. (Eds.). 的new 政治 of social work. 英格兰贝辛斯托克:帕尔格雷夫·麦克米兰。

Davidson,G.,Bunting,L.,Bywaters,P.,Featherstone,B.,&McCartan,C.(2017年)。儿童福利作为正义:为什么我们不解决不平等问题。  英国社会工作杂志,47 (6)1641-1651。

Dominelli,L.(2004年)。 社会工作:不断变化的职业的理论与实践。英国剑桥:政治出版社。

专家 Panel –儿童,青年和家庭现代化(2015年)–总结报告。新西兰惠灵顿:NZ政府。

费瑟斯通(Featherstone),古塔(A.Gupta),莫里斯(K.)&Warner,J.(2016年)。让我们停止喂养危险的怪物:建立儿童保护的社会模式。 家庭关系和社会。 ISSN 20467443  

Fox-Harding,L.(1997)。 育儿政策的观点,英国伦敦:朗文

Garrett,P.(2013年)。 社会工作与社会理论:建立联系。英国布里斯托尔:政策出版社。      

格雷,M。,&Webb,S.A.(编辑)。 (2013年) 的new 政治 of social work. 英格兰贝辛斯托克:帕尔格雷夫·麦克米兰。

吉利斯(V.),爱德华兹(Edwards),& Horsley, N. (2017). 挑战早期干预的政治–谁在“拯救” 孩子们 and why. 英国布里斯托尔:政策出版社。

海斯洛普(I.)(2017)。新西兰的儿童保护:未来的历史。 英国社会工作杂志,47 (6)1800– 1817.

Krumer-Nevo,M.(2017年)。贫困与政治:将政治从社会工作理论,研究和实践中脱颖而出。 欧洲社会工作杂志20 (6), 811-822.

Parton,N.(2014年)。 的politics of 儿童保护: Contemporary developments and future directions. 英国贝辛斯托克:Palgrave MacMillan。

Pelton, L. (2015). 的continuing role of material factors in child maltreatment and placement, 虐待儿童& Neglect, 41, 30-39.

Warner, J. (2004). 的emotional 政治 of social Work in 儿童保护。英国布里斯托尔:政策出版社。


6 thoughts 上 “儿童保护实践的新范式

  1. 就社会工作而言,这既有趣又能说明问题。不幸的是‘Expert’ panel review had no sense of what social work is or what it is about and they were more than happy to simply rescue 孩子们 and transport them to loving homes. All fixed.
    我不确定新自由主义是否正在瓦解,但我希望是,但是来自世界各国政府和极右翼民粹主义回应的迹象向我表明,这将为新自由主义经济和管理工作的继续发展提供沃土,至少在可预见的未来。也就是说,政府更迭对国家的定位,国家对诸如儿童贫困等核心问题的应对方式可能会出现破裂点,即预算不仅仅是经济。重命名或Oranga Tamariki是否预示着除了名称更改以外的其他任何内容。不能确定,但​​我确实知道当前存在不同的环境,并且有决心进行基于社会正义的社会工作以重申自己的空间,以及是否需要测试当前环境中的空间。

    1. 起亚Ora Mike

      冒被冒犯的风险–变化涉及我们自己–电源如何工作? /社会工作者做什么?–我认为具有挑战性和活力的时代。


      1. 令人遗憾但可以理解的事实是,新西兰有一个庞大且不断增长的行业’t give a rat’s rarzoo about the welfare of NZers living in 贫穷 , and a 好 proportion of those actually approve. Due to psycho-neo liberal propaganda, many of those belonging to the “left behind”社会团体支持这种政权,而不是与同伴团结。
        Sure its about UK, but-as it says in the 文章 , this 社会服务 delivery pathway is an import. Universal home ownership is a cornerstone of family development and wellbeing particularly for the working population. This has been under attack for a long time. Even in its heyday, the universal home ownership pathway failed to deliver universal access to a home for everyone. 的institutional approach in the form of public housing, and institutional care was still needed. In the face of government and business withdrawal from social responsibility, the statistic below show a stark reality.
        获得住房是人口安乐和生存的基石。多种基层社会正义行动正在涌现,以促进“renters rights”. But, unlike historical movements in the 19th century the social structures of friendly societies, 工会 etc no longer exist. 的NZ landlord is likely to be a “mum and dad”家庭手工业,并努力促进社会正义“renters’可能会有利于企业PPP“Carillion”模型。 (Carillion是英国的跨国设施管理和建筑服务公司)。
        通过镜头“child 贫穷 ” the social status of the ordinary 第一家庭 has been identified as a “dangerous” environment to bring up 孩子们. Organized foster care has been transformed into a business resource with parenting being identified and resourced as a career path.
        在新西兰,社会普遍接受降低人们的社会地位“first family”有效地消除了维护问题‘来自社会服务提供特权的第一次家庭团结“children’s welfare”,因此从社会正义的角度出发,将住房作为“human right”.
        “Carillion”是一家英国跨国设施管理和建筑服务公司,总部位于英国伍尔弗汉普顿。 //en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Carillion
        的administration model described in the 文章 about the collapse of 亿万, is absolutely the preferred 社会服务 administration model being promoted by NZ political leaders, governments and their corporate sponsors. Its marketed as “common sense”,这为推广其他社会服务提供途径创造了挑战性的环境。对于一个要挑战这种社会结构的组织,他们必须从字面上接受它,并提供自己的服务。许多以前的社会正义组织已经在新西兰这样做,因此可以说失去了为普遍社会正义创造真正的社会团结的机会。
        的recent welfare reforms which treat child welfare and the welfare of people with disabilities are absolutely in step with progressing NZ 社会服务 distribution towards using the “私人融资计划(PFI)和地方改善融资信托(LIFT)”合同形式的社会服务提供模型。支持和促进家庭干预政府政策中的早期干预主义,特别是在使用寄养服务而不是对第一家庭的支持时,’不仅让企业和政府摆脱了关于社会义务的束缚,而且在通过对这些成员的管理时创造了可观的回报。“left behind’NZ社区成为一种可利用的人力资源,并将他们作为一个社会团体从获得民主程序的机会中分离出来。

  2. 再次感谢您讲述这样的故事!回覆“新自由主义的计划开始瓦解,” ( let’s hope so!) ” although I fear it will have a long and 危险的 tail”牢固地融入了更广泛的新西兰社区心态。这是战斗前线发生的地方?
    其症状是警察的军事化程度不断提高,以及由流程驱动的社会服务管理。行政与改善低收入人群的生活条件并没有多大关系,而更多地是社会控制/收受者的包容和管理可能产生的任何资源,而不仅仅是社会正义,平等和资源的公平分配。 。社会服务的私有化/商品化是创建可利用资源,通过开展业务产生利润的另一种方式。
    的original welfare safety net was enabled as a response to the fact that the world had filled up and there was nowhere to transport “the poor”使他们摆脱文明之路,并允许重组新技术以提高产量,并为人类发展的下一个时代创造新的基础设施。一系列不断升级的战争和殖民统治开始对维持经济和社会现状无效。激怒和不断增长的劳动人口的浪潮获得了足够的政治和社会力量来要求变革。
    的western world’s policy of child ‘救援和运输’它也开始失败,最终在1960年代彻底崩溃。家庭开始能够团聚。
    的“以儿童营救为主导的做法在新的晚年时代重新流行,等于是代表市场动员了国家”就是这样。使用“贫穷是虐待儿童” platform which fitted presisly into the neo-liberal mindset, the state has found new ways to break down family ties and resilience of those social groups which threaten the inequality which is the backbone of ne-oliberal wealth distribution. 的children of 穷人 are a resource. Their 父母 are less of a resource. –因为不平等现象在加剧,并不意味着它没有得到相当一部分人口的支持。‘good’事情。西方发达国家(包括新西兰)约有2/3的人口受益于不平等。其中许多人赞成专制福利的交付,他们将其视为保护自己利益的墙。
    我刚刚与某人讨论了新的社会住房政策,在此期间我想到,用来证明新西兰公共住房结构调整合理性的情感论点绝对加剧了这种污名化“值得尊敬的房主”从不值得“residential 房客”。那些被认定有资格获得公共和社会住房的人通常会受到更广泛的社区的对待,在住房所处的社区内,人们对自己的态度感到屈服,怀疑和怀疑。因此,社会和公共住房的接收者很容易受到社区的骚扰。结社自由受到严格限制。很难导致‘normal’生活在这种环境中。
    通过这种方式,房地产行业被纳入操纵财富分配的行列。对新政府提出的一种批评是,除此以外’s “warm fuzzy”解决住房问题的方法,指出要创建社会住房(这是将公共住房的责任和资格权从政府责任中转移出来),并转变为公众接受的政策重点“the 最需要的”在我们的社区中(这意味着将有特殊需要的社会群体选出来,公司慈善机构将其作为一种继续证明获得慈善和纳税人资金以维持自己作为服务提供者的方式的偏向),并优先考虑需求的首次购房者,即已经有足够的财富来获得足够的财富以提供房屋存款并有资格获得抵押贷款的人。 NZ公开提供的住房从未打算为NZ中的每个穷人提供住房。新西兰的历史反映了这一现实。从其构想来看,新西兰公共住房的存在已受到多方面的攻击。谁都无法接触到的人要么挣扎挣扎,要么加入首次购房者的行列,或者沉迷于房地产的一部分。“most needy”社会群体。在即将到来的新自由主义政权下,“most needy”社交团体不太可能让父母和平相处。
    的proportion of people who are well off and whose expressed conscience presents a challenge to this status quo, who do care about the rise of inequality, are often seen as counterproductive and ‘dangerous’。创造机会,让人们有机会讨论有关社会正义的问题“less eligibility”对一个不相信社会正义现实的人的心态就像拔牙一样。即使在民主国家,通过正义来消除不平等也始终是权力斗争。新自由主义与普通的旧自由主义相同–专政来管理穷人,使他们忙于尝试新工具箱…


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